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Northeast Asia Peace and Security Network DAILY REPORT For Tuesday, November 17, 1998, from Berkeley, California, USA |
1. US War Plan for DPRK
The Global Beat (Richard Halloran, "NEW WARPLAN CALLS FOR INVASION OF
NORTH KOREA," 11/14/98) reported that an unnamed senior US official said
that US and ROK military commanders are completing a new war plan that,
if hostilities broke out on the Korean peninsula, would abolish the DPRK
as a functioning state and reorganize the country under ROK control. The
official stated, "When we're done, they will not be able to mount any
military activity of any kind. We will kill them all." The article said
that previous US and ROK war plans called only for stopping a DPRK
invasion. US officials said that the new war plan was being devised
because of fear that deteriorating conditions in the DPRK military might
cause it to strike out in desperation. One US officer stated, "They may
figure 'use it or lose it.'" The new war plan must be presented to the
US Joint Chiefs of Staff in Washington and the ROK Ministry of Defense
here for approval before it goes into effect. The article pointed out
that most US reinforcements for such an action would pass through Japan,
which would test new US-Japan defense guidelines. Even without the
defense guidelines, however, the US has the right to move troops,
weapons, and supplies through Japan to Korea because US forces in the ROK
are under the UN Command. The UN Rear Command has remained stationed at
Camp Zama, southwest of Tokyo, since the Korean War. US officials
declined to say whether the US and the ROK would seek to deter the DPRK
by presenting the outlines of the plan in the general officer talks in
Panmunjom. [Full text]
2. DPRK Underground Construction
US State Department Spokesman James Rubin ("STATE DEPARTMENT NOON
BRIEFING, NOVEMBER 16, 1998," USIA Transcript, 11/16/98) said that a
failure to resolve the issue of the DPRK's underground construction would
call into question the viability of the 1994 Agreed Framework. He
stated, "[US] Secretary [of State Madeleine] Albright from the beginning
has taken the view that this is a major problem, and that if we don't get
access to this underground facility -- that means verbal assurances are
not sufficient -- that it will call into question the viability of the
agreement." Rubin added, "at the known declared facilities, the North
Koreans are doing what they need to do to ensure that they're not using
that facility to develop a nuclear weapon material capability; [but we
are] concerned about what they might do in the future at this other
facility."
3. Japanese Satellite Development
The Associated Press ("NKOREA: JAPAN MAKING SPY SATELLITES," Tokyo,
11/17/98) reported that the DPRK's Korean Central News Agency (KCNA)
quoted the DPRK Foreign Ministry as saying on Tuesday that Japan is
developing spy satellites as a first step towards launching a military
conquest of Asia. The report said, "This is one more dangerous military
action intended to legalize the policy of turning Japan into a military
power and perfect preparations for overseas aggression." It added, "We
will not remain a passive onlooker to its military challenge, but take a
powerful self-defensive measure."
4. Korean War Biological Warfare Allegations
The Associated Press (Mike Feinsilber, "PROOF SOVIETS LIED ABOUT US
WARFARE," Washington, 11/16/98) reported that US scholars Milton
Leitenberg and Kathryn Weathersby said that newly released Soviet
documents disprove charges that the US used biological weapons during the
Korean War. Leitenberg, a biological warfare specialist at the
University of Maryland, said that the 12 documents from the Presidential
Archive in Moscow "provide explicit and detailed evidence that the
charges were contrived and fraudulent." He said that the allegations
made by the Soviet Union, the PRC, and the DPRK were given credibility by
Joseph Needham, a British biochemist who headed a communist-backed
"International Scientific Commission for the Investigation of the Facts
Concerning Bacterial Warfare in Korea and China" which issued a 669-page
report in 1952 that affirmed the charges. Leitenberg, however, said that
the commission conducted no on-site investigation, relying entirely on
witnesses and slides of infected tissue. He pointed to a memo by the
Soviet ambassador to the DPRK that said, "Two false regions of infection
were simulated for the purpose of accusing the Americans of using
bacteriological weapons." On May 2, 1953, the presidium of the Council
of Ministers of the USSR. adopted a resolution that said, "The Soviet
Government and the Central Committee of the CPSU (Communist Party of the
Soviet Union) were misled. The spread in the press of information about
the use by the Americans of bacteriological weapons in Korea was based on
false information. The accusations against the Americans were
fictitious." The study will be published in the Bulletin of the Cold War
International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson Center.
5. Missing US Servicemen from Korean War
The Associated Press (Joe McDonald, "RUSSIA OFFERS COLD WAR CAPTIVE
HELP," Kuala Lumpur, 11/17/98) reported that Russian Prime Minister
Yevgeny Primakov on Tuesday promised US Vice President Al Gore that he
would look into whether Soviet spy agencies plotted to take US prisoners
from the Korean War to the USSR. US officials stressed that they had no
evidence to support the claim, made in the memoirs of Russian military
historian General Dmitri A. Volkogonov. A joint US-Russian panel on
prisoners of war said in 1997 that it could not confirm such suspicions.
An anonymous US official said that a former KGB director has told US
officials he knew of no such plan but it may have been discussed in KGB
documents.
6. ROK Economic Crisis
Dow Jones Newswires (Chang Woo-hyuk, "S. KOREA WARNS OF TIGHTER PROBES ON
INTER-SUBSIDIARY DEALS," Seoul, 11/17/98) reported that Chun Yoon-chull,
head of the ROK government Fair Trade Commission, warned Tuesday that his
agency will launch probes into the country's largest conglomerates when
they are suspected of helping their units through illegal means. Chun
stated, "The restructuring by the five groups haven't been satisfactory
in view of capital concentration ... and the commission will start
investigations anytime when they are suspected of illegal inter-
subsidiary deals." On Monday, the government said the five largest
chaebol must eliminate all cross debt guarantees among their subsidiaries
by March 31, 2000.
7. Alleged Technology Transfers to PRC
Reuters (Matt Pottinger, "CHINA DENIES OBTAINING U.S. SATELLITE
TECHNOLOGY," Beijing, 11/17/98) reported that Xu Fuxiang, director of the
technology wing of China Aerospace Corp (CAC), was quoted as saying in
the official English-language China Daily newspaper on Tuesday that the
PRC has not obtained sensitive satellite technology from US firms. CAC
vice-president Wang Liheng was quoted as saying, "We hope the United
States will conclude the investigation as soon as possible to benefit
satellite manufacturers and operators in the U.S., as well as launch-
service providers on our part." Meanwhile Zhang Xinxia, president of
Great Wall Industry Corp, said that because of a US probe into the
allegations, "We may lose several billion U.S. dollars but it is
difficult to specify the total amount." He added, "The things under
investigation have all been imagined by one side, and they are not true -
- I would like to make this clear. It is just several people in Congress
who have taken advantage of this for internal political reasons."
8. Russian Ratification of START II
The Associated Press ("FORMER DEFENSE MINISTER URGES RUSSIA TO REJECT
NUCLEAR TREATY," Moscow, 11/16/98) reported that former Russian Defense
Minister Igor Rodionov on Monday urged the Duma to reject the START II
nuclear reduction treaty. Rodionov stated, "It is a treacherous treaty
that is strategically disarming us." He added that reducing nuclear
weapons would leave Russia with few defenses left.
1. Kim Jong-il's Health
Korea Herald ("KIM JONG-IL IN GOOD HEALTH," Seoul, 11/17/98) reported
that a PRC medical doctor, who is known to have treated DPRK leader Kim
Jong-il's diabetes, said Monday that Kim is in good health. "In my
opinion, Kim will stay healthy. He has no problems at all physically or
mentally," Feng Shiliang told reporters upon arriving at Kimpo
International Airport. Feng, who is the head of a medical center on
diabetes in Liaoning, came to Seoul for a six-day visit at the invitation
of the Institute for ROK-PRC Security Studies. Feng, who received a
doctor of medicine degree from Pyongyang Medical College in 1996, is said
to have contributed to curing Kim's disease. Rumors about the reclusive
leader's health have been rampant since the 1980s. Reports said that Kim
hurt his head after falling from a horse. He also reportedly suffers
from diabetes and heart disease. After meeting with Kim in Pyongyang
early this month, ROK business tycoon Chung Ju-yung also said the DPRK
leader looked healthy.
2. DPRK Tourism Project
JoongAng Ilbo ("$3.80 PER MINUTE TO CALL FROM MT. KUMGANG TOUR CRUISE
SHIPS," Seoul, 11/17/98) reported that Mt. Kumgang tourists will have to
pay 4,920 won (US$3.80) per minute to call the ROK, while if one wants to
call the cruise ship from the ROK the price will be 1,428 won per minute.
The Ministry of Information and Communications (MOIC) decided on the
price in consultation with Onse Communications and plans to provide this
telephone service on the inaugural cruise on November 18. Tourists will
use a telephone booth installed aboard the ships to place a call to the
ROK. A tourist would first have to dial 0082008 before an operator could
connect them. The telephone charge has to be paid in US dollars to a
cashier beside the booth. If somebody wants to call from the ROK to the
ship, they would dial 008850 and press a designated four-digit number.
The MOIC chose the Onse Communications as the exclusive telephone server
but will approve Korea Telecom for this service next year. The telephone
service aboard cruise ships will be performed via the IDC, a Japanese
international telephone company.
3. President Kim's Proposal in APEC
Chosun Ilbo ("KIM PROPOSES MAJOR AGENDA FOR APEC," Seoul, 11/16/98)
reported that ROK President Kim Dae-jung said that advanced nations,
including the US and Japan, will have to strengthen their financial
support to developing economies in the region in order to cope with the
economic crisis in Asia. The developing countries, in return, need to
remove their protectionism to reactivate regional trade, Kim maintained.
He also suggested that the member countries of the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation (APEC) expand budget spending to revive domestic demand.
Kim's remarks were repeated in summit meetings with Malaysian Prime
Minister Mahathir Mohamed, New Zealand Prime Minister Jenny Shipley, and
Singaporean Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong. Kim plans to urge the
participating nations to include his economic revival proposals in the
so-called "Concerted Asia Recovery Program" in the joint communique which
is to be issued at the closure of the APEC summit meeting Wednesday. Kim
is also expected to raise three major issues: expansion of government
spending, reduction of interest rates, and financial support for the
summit communique. President Kim and Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir
also agreed upon the necessity of a global information exchange
organization to monitor the movements of hedge funds, said Park Jie-won,
the presidential spokesman. Mahathir also agreed with Kim's belief that
the G7 economies must provide support to developing countries undergoing
financial crisis due to the invasion of the hedge funds.
4. ROK Economy
JoongAng Ilbo ("ECONOMY SHOULD BE BETTER NEXT YEAR," Seoul, 11/17/98)
reported that automobiles, semi-conductor exports, and shipbuilding have
recently been on the rise while steel and oil refinery production has
been decreasing. In general, economic indices on the whole will be back
on track next year, the government predicted. The Ministry of Commerce,
Industry, and Energy on November 17 announced that automobile production
this year will reach 2.1 million units, which is 25.5 percent less than
that of last year, but by 1999 it will rise a further 16.7 percent to
2.45 million units. Semi-conductor production will see an increase of 10
percent in exports to reach US$18 billion in 1999. Shipbuilding next
year will total 85 million tons in new vessels, up 11.8 percent over
1998. General machine production will rise by 2.9 percent next year.
1. APEC Forum
Nezavisimaia gazeta's Dmitriy Kosyrev ("RUSSIA BECAME APEC MEMBER," Kuala
Lumpur, 6, 11/17/98) reported that on 11/14/98 RF Foreign Minister Igor
Ivanov, who had spent 3 days at the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation
(APEC) Forum in Kuala Lumpur, signed a document on RF membership in APEC.
He said that the fact that the RF presented its plan for interaction with
APEC was welcome at the Forum. 40 RF ministries and other institutions
participated in drafting the plan. RF Trade Minister Georgiy Gabunia,
also present at the Forum, said that the RF--similar to Japan, the PRC
and other APEC members--is not ready as of now to lower its trade
tariffs, which is one of the major goals of APEC, but it is interested in
participation in APEC working groups on energy, communications and some
other areas. The RF delegation is one of the biggest in Kuala Lumpur.
RF Premier Yevgeniy Primakov was expected to arrive Saturday for the APEC
Summit to be held on Wednesday. Primakov's first meeting is to be with
US Vice President Albert Gore, acting on behalf of US President William
Clinton.
2. RF Ratification of START II
Segodnya's Pavel Felgengauer ("START-2: BARGAINING ANNOUNCED. 50:50
PROBABILITY OF RATIFICATION," Moscow, 2, 11/17/98) reported that RF
Premier Yevgeniy Primakov and his First Deputy Yuriy Maslyukov urged the
RF State Duma to urgently ratify the 2nd RF-US Strategic Arms Reduction
Treaty (START II) signed by the Presidents of the RF and US in 1993.
They insisted that its ratification would help restore the West's
confidence in the RF and overcome the financial crisis. The Duma agreed
to hold the relevant hearings this December. Aleksey Arbatov, Deputy
Chairman, Duma Committee on Defense, said that today about 70 percent of
Duma members are against the ratification. Yet he said at the same time
"irreconcilable opponents" constitute only 10 percent of those, while the
rest can be made to change their opinion if the appropriate work is done
quietly behind the scenes, convincing the factional leaders that
otherwise they would jeopardize the present coalition Government they
have so persistently fought for. Even if the treaty is not ratified in
December, technically it will still be considered as non-ratified, rather
then rejected. Presently there are already over 30 such yet non-ratified
international agreements on the Duma's record.
3. RF-PRC Summit
Nezavisimaia gazeta ("IN BRIEF .... PRC FOREIGN POLICY PREPARES JIANG'S
VISIT TO MOSCOW," Beijing, 6, 11/13/98) reported the Xinhua News Agency's
information that PRC Foreign Minister Tang Jiasuan told RF correspondents
in Beijing that the 6th RF-PRC summit will be the first one "with no ties
on." Talking about bilateral economic relations, he noted that the Asian
financial crisis affected both countries. To expand their cooperation
they should strive for implementation of the existing agreements in order
to change the structure of trade and to diversify relations.
Segodnya ("MOSCOW AND BEIJING MIGHT PREFER INFORMAL SUMMITS," Moscow, 2,
11/17/98) reported that, according to "sources in the RF Foreign
Ministry," the RF and the PRC are inclined to completely abandon the
practice of official summit visits in favor of informal summits, because
"both in Moscow and Beijing there is a consensus that official visits
entailing a mass of protocol events have become too narrow for the level
of Russia-China relations reached." Therefore the first RF-PRC
unofficial summit to take place on November 22-23 will most probably
serve as a model for future contacts. At the forthcoming summit, it is
planned to adopt an extensive political document summing up the results
of the two and a half year long cooperation of the two countries in
establishing their partnership aimed at strategic interaction in the 21st
century, as well as a political summing up the RF-PRC Eastern and Western
border demarcation process. In recent years, RF President Boris Yeltsin
and PRC Chairman Jiang Zemin have had 5 official summits.
4. RF-PRC Relations
Nezavisimaia gazeta's Pavel Spirin ("CRISIS IN THE GULF WILL MAKE RUSSIA
AND CHINA CLOSER TO EACH OTHER," Moscow, 6, 11/13/98) reported that PRC
diplomats strictly confidentially held consultations with their Iraqi
colleagues in Beijing in order to make Iraq fully honor its commitments
and resume cooperation with the UN inspectors. A Western source
commented that "if China fails to convince Iraq to demonstrate a balanced
and reasonable approach and the US in its turn moves from escalation of
the conflict in the Persian Gulf to specific military actions, Beijing in
order not to find itself in isolation will have to stretch its hand to
Moscow." PRC Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan told journalists in Beijing
that he would discuss the Persian Gulf situation with RF Foreign Minister
Igor Ivanov, whom he would meet at the APEC Forum in Kuala Lumpur. There
were no rigid formulas mentioned implying any RF-PRC "quasi-alliance."
However, the RF and the PRC are the only UN Security Council permanent
members trying by any means to prevent a military solution to the crisis.
The PRC lately has been very active in the Middle East, and its economic
interests, including a multibillion dollar Ahdaba oil field exploitation
agreement signed with Iraq, are not the only reasons for that. In the
author's opinion, considering the fact that "three years ago the PRC
already succeeded in making the RF abstain from supporting an anti-PRC UN
human rights resolution, the prospect for a Russian-Chinese quasi
alliance does not seem too illusory."
5. RF Military Sales to PRC
Nezavisimaia gazeta's ("AIRSHOW IN JUHAI TAKES A START," Moscow, 2,
11/17/98) reported that Airshow China 98, the second international
airshow in Juhai Special Economic Zone in Southern PRC, opened Tuesday.
The show is held every two years and is intended to become the largest in
Asia. The first one, Airshow China 96, "became a triumph" of RF
aircraft. Following it the PRC bought a number of Su-27 fighters for its
Air Force and a license to produce 200 of those under the local name of
F-11 at an aircraft plant in Shenyang. Due to the present crisis
"Russia's participation in the second airshow will be more than modest."
30 enterprises will advertise their planes and Mi-8 helicopters. Only
Su-family aircraft, though, are to be physically exhibited. The PRC is
still interested in civilian RF-made aircraft as well, as 25 percent of
its airplane pool is of Soviet origin. Yet, comparing RF representation
and that of the US and Europe, it seems that RF producers might be pushed
out of the PRC market.
6. RF-Japan Summit
Nezavisimaia gazeta's Natalia Konstantinova and Dmitriy Kosyrev ("MOSCOW
GAVE A SECRET REPLY TO TOKYO'S SECRET PROPOSAL," Moscow, 1, 2, 11/13/98)
reported that on November 12 a meeting was held in Moscow between
Japanese Premier Keizo Obuchi and RF President Boris Yeltsin, "a man on
whom in Tokyo they lay big, possibly excessive, hopes concerning a
solution of the problem most critical to Russian-Japanese relations, that
is the sovereignty or, to put in more mildly, the future of the four
Southern-most Kuril isles." In April in Kawana, Boris Yeltsin revealed
that then Premier Ryutaro Hashimoto had made him a proposal on the
territorial issue. Its essence has remained secret since then. Now in
Moscow, following Thursday's Yeltsin-Obuchi meeting, RF Foreign Minister
Igor Ivanov "with a severe face" reported that the essence of proposals
given by the RF President in response is "'to create such conditions
which, without bringing harm to state interests and political positions
of the parties, would assist in creating an atmosphere favorable to joint
economic and other activities.'" Wednesday evening an RF-Japan Moscow
declaration was signed as well. It contains no disputable points and its
text is final except the part concerning a bilateral peace treaty yet to
be signed. In particular, the Declaration provides for bilateral
cooperation for peace and stability in the Asian Pacific region and
removal of bureaucratic blocks that make its difficult for Japanese
medical doctors to go to South Kurils and for patients to go from there
to Japan. The Declaration also contains a commitment made by the RF to
support Japan's aspiration for UN Security Council permanent membership.
Nezavisimaia gazeta's Dmitriy Gornostayev ("INSTEAD OF YELTSIN, PRIMAKOV
COMPLETED RUSSIAN-JAPANESE SUMMIT," Moscow, 1, 11/14/98) reported that
the RF President and Japanese Premier on Friday signed the Moscow
declaration "On establishment of Constructive Partnership between the
Russian Federation and Japan." However, there was no joint ceremony, as
both of them signed the document separately, and after that the exchange
of copies took place not in the Kremlin, but in the RF Government
Building, with the RF represented not by its President, but Premier
Yevgeniy Primakov. Considering Yeltsin's absence at the official banquet
on November 12 as well, "one should assume that Japanese protocol ... was
hurt by the display of insufficient respect to its Prime Minister." The
RF President's absence on both occasions, in Nezavisimaia gazeta's
author's opinion, "might be interpreted in Japan as caused by political
reasons, particularly Yeltsin's wish to show his not quite positive
attitude to the results fixed in the document." In general the
Declaration "can be assessed as one accelerating the peace treaty
signing. But in that there are hidden threats to RF territorial
integrity.... For Moscow a so-called postponed solution option is most
favorable. But with the Moscow Declaration signed, this option, fought
for by many Russian institutions directly related to the disputed
territories problem, somewhat loses its chances for success. In
particular fears are caused by a phrase in the text ... about creation of
'a Subcommission on border delimitation within the framework of the
existing Joint Russian-Japanese Commission on the issues of peace treaty
conclusion.'... Thus, Moscow presently in a preliminary way admits a
possibility of change of the border line in the area of South Kurils."
At the same time, though, the Declaration provides for creation of "a
Subcommission on joint economic activities which, working in parallel
with the Subcommission on border delimitation, would determine the types
of joint economic activities not causing harm to juridical interests of
both parties." If interpreted as preserving the status quo indefinitely,
that clause is favorable to the RF. In general the Declaration causes
hope for both Japan and the RF to win and, in Primakov's words, is "a
great step forward."
Izvestia's Yuriy Savenkov ("MOSCOW AND TOKYO CHOSE CONSTRUCTIVE
PARTNERSHIP," Moscow, 3, 11/14/98) reported that, following the RF-Japan
summit in Moscow, Hiromu Nonaka, Secretary General of the Japanese
Cabinet of Ministers, commented on its results: "That's more than we
expected initially." In addition to the Moscow Declaration, the parties
signed agreements on promotion and protection of investments, a concept
of RF-Japanese investment company, memoranda on cooperation in tourism,
environmental protection, post service and communications. Japan also
proposed to allocate US$100 million to create youth exchange centers,
obviously planning to "build relations with the future Russia today."
Sovetskaya Rossia's Vasiliy Safronchuk ("SECRET DIPLOMACY," Moscow, 1,
11/17/98) reported on the RF-Japan Moscow summit results. Listing all
those, he specifically noted that "the idea of joint economic activities
on the South Kuril islands cannot but cause alarm, as it might lead to a
"creeping" surrender of the islands to Japan. It was about that, in
particular, that a group of veteran-ambassadors warned in their letter to
the State Duma, published in Sovetskaya Rossia on November 5. The
authors of the letter were given audience with S. Baburin, Deputy
Chairman of the Duma, on November 10 and rendered their views on this
problem in full detail."
Nezavisimaia gazeta ("RUSSIAN-JAPANESE RELATIONS AND SOUTH KURILS,"
Moscow, 6, 11/11/98) on the eve of Japanese Premier Keizo Obuchi's
official visit to Moscow, published an article by Oleg Khlestov, Vice
President of the Russian Association of International Law, Ambassador
extraordinary and plenipotentiary. Judging from the media reports, the
author writes, at their April 1998 Kawana summit Premier Ryutaro
Hashimoto made President Boris Yeltsin a proposal to delimit the
territories of both countries in such a way that the four South Kuril
islands would go under Japan's sovereignty, while their practical
transfer would take place later. "If that is so, Japan repeats its old
position which is totally unrealistic" due to four reasons described in
detail by the author. First, it is wrong in terms of international law,
as the USSR incorporated the islands with a full consent of its allies in
1945, and the incorporation was validated by the 1951 San Francisco Peace
Treaty ratified by Japan. The sanctions against Japan were confirmed by
the UN Charter. Second, such attempts to revise the post-war territorial
settlement might entail a chain reaction internationally. Third, RF
executive authority cannot change RF territory without the consent of RF
parliament and RF Far Eastern subjects. All those are against the
transfer. Four, the economic role of the islands and their 100-mile
economic zone is such that they constitute a single complex with the
other Kuril Islands, Sakhalin, and Kamchatka. The author insists that
there should be a search for a reasonable compromise, rather then total
fulfilling of the claims, and admitted some progress reached in this
respect. The most realistic approach is to sign a large-scale treaty on
friendship, cooperation and good-neighborliness, providing for Japan's
extensive activities there without touching upon the sovereignty issue,
the way it was done under the 1959 Treaty on the Antarctic. Finally, the
author notes, Japan's population itself is not unanimous in this respect.
In September, 1992, a public opinion poll in Japan showed that 61.2
percent of the respondents believed the Japanese Government could be more
flexible on that issue, 29.9 percent insisted on the return of the
islands, and 22.1 percent said the RF could abstain from returning them.
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International Policy Studies Institute
Seoul, Republic of Korea
The Center for Global Communications, Tokyo, Japan
Center for American Studies,
Fudan University, Shanghai, People's Republic of China
Berkeley, California, United States
Berkeley, California, United States
Seoul, Republic of Korea
Tokyo, Japan
Moscow, Russian Federation
Shanghai, People's Republic of China
Shanghai, People's Republic of China