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![]() Nautilus Home ![]() Publications ![]() Globalization Papers ![]() Globalization Program ![]() ![]() Table of Contents ![]() I. Introduction ![]() II. Domain of Regional Environmental Governance ![]() III. Environmental Issues in Northeast Asia ![]() IV. Environmental Cooperation in Northeast Asia ![]() Notes ![]() |
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The Domain of Environmental Cooperation in Northeast Asia
Lyuba Zarsky
Sixth Annual International Conference Korea and the Future of Northeast Asia: Conflict or Cooperation? Portland State University Portland, Oregon May 4-5. 1995 ![]()
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I. Introduction
The environment is emerging as a "motherhood" issue in Northeast Asia. In a region imbued with hostile legacies, the environment is a relatively neutral arena for discussion. Regional discussions about environmental issues promise beneficial security spin-offs, both by promoting the "habit of dialogue," and by reducing the potential for explosive interstate environmental conflicts. In recent years, governments have taken small, steady steps toward collective action on cross-border environmental issues. The region's environmental problems, however, are pressing and will become more so with expected high growth rates of GNP and intra- regional trade. The high costs of ecological degradation and the emerging trade- environment interface suggest that the domain of beneficial--indeed, necessary--regional cooperation is much larger than has yet been tabled. This paper explores the domain of environmental cooperation in Northeast Asia. Part II develops an analytical framework in which the domain of regional environmental cooperation encompasses three broad categories: 1) the governance of common pool, transboundary resources and ecosystem services; 2) management of the trade-environment interface in the context of high levels of regional economic integration; and 3) building of human and technical capacities to manage within-border resources, as well as to respond to global environmental problems. Part III examines regional environmental problems in Northeast Asia, including acid rain, marine degradation, and habitat/biodiversity loss; and the environmental implications of projected high rates of growth and intra-regional trade, including on forest development in the Russian Far East. Part IV outlines initiatives in environmental cooperation in Northeast Asia by governments and non-governmental organizations; and offers three proposals to extend the domain of regional environmental cooperation.
II. Domain of Regional Environmental Governance
Environmental and resource management is largely the preserve of national
governments.
Crucial environmental issues such as the use of rivers and watersheds, emissions of
industrial
and household pollutants, and the management of farmlands, forests, and wetlands remain
largely within the regulatory ambit of states.
On the other hand, international cooperation on environmental issues is growing
rapidly.
Dozens of environmental treaties were concluded in the 1970s and 1980s, encompassing
issues
such as the ozone layer, the prohibition of biological weapons and a ban on atmospheric
nuclear
testing. Two crucial global conventions, one on climate change and the other on
biodiversity,
were adopted at the 1992 Rio "Earth Summit." Environmental issues have also come to
the
forefront in multilateral economic institutions, especially the GATT and the newly-
formed World
Trade Organization. The increasing globalization of trade and investment suggests the
intensification of market-driven pressures on governments to create common regulatory
regimes
in a number of dimensions, including environment policy.
A third level of environmental governance is emerging at the regional level. In part,
regional environmental governance parallels the emergence of regional free trade areas
and
economic groupings, such as the North American Free Trade Area and the European
Union. In
Asia, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is discussing environment
policy
convergence in parallel with moves to establish an Asean Free Trade Area. In addition to
the
pressures of economic integration, regional environmental governance is being
propelled by
international environmental diplomacy. Agenda 21, a sweeping plan of action adopted by
the Rio
Conference, emphasized the need to build regional institutions and frameworks to
promote
sustainable development
In Northeast Asia, the end of the Cold War provided an opportunity for long-time
antagonists to seek new arenas for dialogue and cooperation. The embrace of market-
oriented
reforms and trade openness also prompted interest in regional economic cooperation.
Beyond
its intrinsic importance, environmental cooperation is perceived to offer economic
benefits in the
form of technology transfer and export markets.
What is the domain of regional environmental cooperation? What can--and should--
governments accomplish through joint action at a regional level that they could not
accomplish
by acting unilaterally or in global concert?
In broad terms, the domain embraces three broad categories of environmental
management: 1) governance of common pool, transboundary regional resources and
ecosystem
services; 2) management of the trade-environment interface. High levels of regional
economic
interdependence, especially in the context of rapid economic growth, subject within-
border
resources to common pool pressures through competitive markets; and 3) capacity-
building, that
is, joint welfare gains through cooperation in enhancing human and technological
capacities to
manage within-border resources and to respond to global environmental problems.
Before proceeding further, it is important to define a "region." Common pool
resources
do not respect political boundaries, whether of one nation singly or many nations
collectively.
Seen through the lens of eco-system governance, a nation is not located in one
geographical
"region" with a fixed number of other nations. Rather, nations (and sub-regions within
them)
may be simultaneously part of many regions as defined by a common sea, watershed,
desert,
forest, air current system, etc. The governance of each common pool resource requires the
participation of those who use it. . Likewise, nations and sub-national areas are part of
multiple
economic regions. The United States, for example, and especially the state of California,
are
simultaneously part of the Asia-Pacific and North American trading areas. Depending on
the
analytical or political problem to be examines, the boundaries of a "region" could be
drawn on
functionalist and bio-physical, as well as geographical, cultural, economic and political
determinants.
The focus of this paper is on "Northeast Asia" as defined by the political boundaries
of
six particular nation-states: China, Japan, North Korea, South Korea , the Russian
Federation,
and Mongolia. This designation reflects the UN propensity to draw regional boundaries
in
politico-geographical terms and to promote within them cooperative relations across a
broad
spectrum of issues. It also reflects the interests of central governments in Northeast Asia
to
maintain control over foreign relations. Many environmental issues involving China and
Russia
concern primarily the Russian Far East and the Northeast Chinese provinces: on an
ecological
basis, the border of the "region" would bifurcate these two countries. Finally, the
designation
reflects political and security interests in excluding the United States, even though Alaska
stretches well into geographical proximity. Nurtured by the UN Economic and Social
Commission on Asia and the Pacific and the UN Development Program, the primary
initiatives
toward regional environmental cooperation have embraced these six countries.
1. Governance of Common Pool Transboundary Resources
Common pool resources are resources which are not exclusively utilized by a single
agent
or source. Generally, resources are considered common pool if de facto or de jure
property
rights to them are communal. Property rights consist of formal and informal norms, rules
and
institutions which specify who can utilize a resource, including who can appropriate
income
streams from it, as well as how they can utilize it, that is, user obligations. Examples of
common pool resources include air, oceans, and atmosphere, as well as communal
forests,
pasturelands, fisheries, and local water management associations. In the context of
international
relations, common pool resources are those which extend across national boundaries; or
which
are not claimed exclusively by any nation.
Formal and effective forms of collective governance are required to ensure that
common
pool resources are utilized in ways which promote longterm sustainability. Without
collective
governance, common pool resources are "open access:" private welfare-maximizing
decisions,
especially to maximize income, will generate over-use and resource depletion.
Individual users
have no pecuniary or non-pecuniary incentive to limit their use and to invest in the long-
term
provisioning of the resource. Without use limits and investment, the resource will be
undermined.
In short, without effective governance, common pool resources can generate a
"prisoner's
dilemma" paradox , in which "individually rational strategies lead to collectively
irrational
outcomes." Some researchers have concluded that any resource held in common
inevitably
generates a "tragedy of the commons" because of the free rider problem (i.e. those who
conserve and invest in the resource cannot exclude others from enjoying the benefits of
their
investments). The solution, they believe, is either for the state to act as a leviathan to
appropriate
and control the resource; or to transform communal into private property by assigning
private
property rights to communal resources. In the context of state-centered international
relations,
this would suggest either that one state appropriate and regulate a transboundary common
pool
resource; or that states collectively allocate all resource rights to private citizens. Neither
strategy is attractive or feasible.
Unlike prisoner's dilemma games in economic theory, however, humans can
voluntarily
cooperate in designing and enforcing collective governance mechanisms: incentive
structures
which promote the sustainability of common pool resources. Rather than carve up or
appropriate common pool resources, states can cooperate in establishing Common Pool
Regimes
(CPRs). CPRs specify property rights and create mechanisms to enforce them. CPRs are
needed
whenever non-excludable, transboundary resources are subject to prisoner's dilemma-
type
resource degradation problems.
Some transborder common pool resources are global in nature and require
international
CPRs, including the atmosphere and ozone layer, the oceans, space, and biodiversity.
Other
resources span across a limited set of national territories, that is, a region. The domain of
regional environmental cooperation encompasses the creation of CPRs for all
transboundary
common pool resources within the region, such as air systems, watersheds, seas, and
habitats.
2. Economic Interdependence and the Trade-Environment Interface
A second category of collective action environmental problems emerges when
national
economies, especially resource-intensive sectors, become highly integrated in trade,
investment
and capital flows. Economic integration subjects states to two kind of pressures: 1)
competitive
market pressures which create prisoner's dilemma-type problems for local resource and
ecosystem management; and 2) regulatory pressures to converge toward the
environmental
standards and policies of large-market countries. In the absence of collective governance,
environmental standards governing trade-exposed sectors will gravitate either towards
those of
the most competitive producer or the largest market country.
Economic integration means that firms compete across jurisdictional boundaries.
Property rights and regulatory regimes in different countries specify different rights and
obligations of resource users, including firms. Regulatory regimes, in turn, affect
competitiveness. Yet, firms compete in common markets. Through competitive markets,
producers with the lowest private costs of production win the sale. Higher private cost
producers
go out of business. Yet the difference between high and low cost producers may reflect, at
least
in part, differences in the property rights regimes under which they operate. Low-cost
producers, for example, may create social costs including pollution, resource depletion,
and
irreversible ecological losses.
International market competition, in other words, is not just between firms but also
between systems of rules including property rights regimes. Ceteris paribus, the rules
which
generate the lowest private costs will dominate. Rules systems in other countries delimit
national control over resources. Through economic integration, ecological resources
within
national boundaries acquire common pool characteristics. Rational decisions by
individual firms
to maximize profits or market share can result in irrational social outcomes if longterm
resource productivity is undermined. When there are net private costs to sustainable
resource
management, competitive, cross-border market pressures will promote resource
depletion.
Two examples may illuminate the argument. The first is the rapid growth of the
export-
oriented shrimp industry produced by coastal aquaculture in many developing countries.
Property rights to coastal resources are inadequately specified and/or enforced throughout
Southeast Asia and Latin America, where the shrimp aquaculture industry has bloomed.
As a
result, competitive pressures have promoted highly-polluting, intensive aquaculture
methods,
generating widespread destruction of coastal mangroves and boom-bust industry cycles.
Sustainable use requires semi-intensive and traditional harvesting methods. Companies,
however,
have no incentive to limit use; and a purely national regulatory structure would price
national
producers out of global markets. Competitive market forces, in short, mean that national
coastal
mangroves acquire common pool characteristics. Long-term sustainable use of national
mangrove resources requires the creation of a Common Pool Regime, viz, cooperation
among
major producer and consumer governments to create and enforce a common property
rights and
regulatory framework.
Another example is the impact on agricultural sustainability of the North American
Free
Trade Agreement (NAFTA). NAFTA mandates the opening of Mexican agricultural
markets to
US-produced goods, including lower-cost American corn. But low production costs in
the US
are the result, in part, of the absence of agricultural policies mandating sustainable
resource
management. For example, corn production in the US is highly monocultural, which
ecological
scientists have found to be destructive of soil micro-organisms required for land
productivity. In
Mexico, on the other hand, the millions of peasant farmers who will be driven off the land
by
competitive market pressures grow a high diversity of corn and root crops. Without a
regional
Agriculture Agreement which specified common user rights and obligations, the rules
system
which will dominate will be that of the largest low-cost producer, the United States. As a
result,
biodiversity resources will be lost and the productivity of agricultural lands undermined.
Beyond competitive market forces, convergence in environmental standards among
trade
and investment partners is driven by national regulatory policies. Large market countries
set
product requirements for imports, including environmental, health and safety
requirements.
Large market countries also tend to be foreign investors. Many multinational firms find it
cheaper to maintain the same production and mangement standards and practices in all
international operations, standards typically generated in home countries. Import
requirements
and foreign investment act as transmission belts for standards set in the large market
country.
Large market states have also taken initiatives to institutionalize convergence in
environmental policy in the context of negotiations over trade liberalization, including in
the
European Union and North America. Convergence lowers transactions costs of trade
which
stem from a patchwork of differing national environmental requirements. It also reduces
the
potential that environment policies will be used as a protectionist device. As with
market-
driven convergence, however, policy-driven convergence may not promote sustainable
resource
use. Trading partners, especially at the global level, tend to be highly diverse
economically,
socially, politically and ecologically. Social and ecological diversity suggests that
appropriate
environment management policies should differ across and within nations. The issue is
not so
much whether standards will come "up" or "down" as what the specific local/national
priorities,
problems and requirements are and whether following standards developed elsewhere
will
address them.
There are thus two key issues in the trade-environment interface: first, the need to
create
and enforce common rules governing trade and investment which create incentives for
sustainable resource and ecosystem management; and second, the need to design a
framework of
rules which allows for diversity in the context of commonality.
These are issues of governance and they can and most likely will be taken up at the
global level by the World Trade Organization. The WTO has established a Committee on
Trade
and Environment which is considering, inter alia, the scope of national trade-impacting
environment policy. However, these issues also fall within the domain of regional
environmental cooperation whenever regions are highly integrated or when particular
sectors are
highly integrated within a region. Regional cooperation is easier and cheaper than global
cooperation because there are far fewer negotiating partners and the partners tend to have
cultural, linguistic, ideological, or political affinities. Regional initiatives can thus act to
lead,
rather than follow, global negotiations. Nonetheless, regional and global initiatives need
to move
generally in similar paths.
Some analysts argue that formal governance of the trade-environment interface is
unnecessary because trade openness is itself beneficial for the environment. Trade
openness,
they argue, promotes income growth, which is positively related to environmental quality
in two
ways. First, higher incomes provide resources for environmental clean-up, restoration and
management. Second, higher incomes and trade openness promotes technology transfer,
including cleaner and more efficient consumer and producer goods. The seminal study
shows an
inverted-U relationship between economic growth and some air pollutants in Mexico
City, with
the "turn" pegged to a per capita income of about US$5000. That is, environmental
degradation increased as income rose until income hit around $5000, after which
environmental
quality rose with income.
The study suffers, however, from three flaws. First, it derives general conclusions
about
environmental quality from very narrow indicators, viz, urban air pollutants. There is
little doubt
that higher incomes promote consumption of better, cleaner consumer and producer
goods and
services. In the case of Mexico City, higher incomes propelled new car purchases,
primarily
North American imports. Car exhaust is a major source of air pollution in the mountain
city.
However, the study did not assess the relationship between ecological "capital" as a
whole and
economic growth. The experience of the wealthy, industrialized countries suggests that
economic growth is strongly and positively related to biodiversity loss through
conversion of
forests, wetlands, and other habitats, as well as to increasing emissions of carbon dioxide
and
other greenhouse gas emissions.
Secondly, the study suffers from a logical flaw. Even if the hypothesized U-curve
relationship is correct, an evaluation of the net welfare result will depend on what is
irreversibly
lost during the rapid growth process. The conclusion is reminiscent of the logical
conundrum
popularized during the Vietnam War: "we had to destroy the village in order to save it."
Thirdly, experience and empirical data increasingly show that the costs of
environment-
blind economic growth are likely to be higher than development paths which build in
environmental protection. The experience of the Philippines and South Korea, for
example,
shows that "grow now, pay later" imposes high financial, social and ecological costs.
Development strategies which promote income growth while preventing or minimizing
pollution
and ecosystem degradation could generate an entirely different relationship between
economic
growth and environmental quality. It could be less negative or even positive if strong
environment protection policies promote product and process innovation and enhance
investment
in environmental infrastructure.
The point is not that trade openness is itself necessarily "good" or "bad" for the
environment. Rather, it is that economic interdependence generates pressures which make
within-border resources take on common pool characteristics. Sustainable management of
the
trade-environment interface requires collective governance, including at the regional
level.
3. Building Capacities for National and Global Environment Management
The domain of regional environmental cooperation extends beyond managing
common
pool resources to the capture of joint welfare benefits in building domestic environment
management capacities. The costs of capacity-building can be reduced through regional
cooperation in three ways: 1) pooling of resources, including knowledge, information,
and
technology; 2) economies of scale and agglomeration in investment in environmental
infrastructure; and 3) knowledge spillovers and accelerated learning curves. Increased
domestic
management capacities enhance capacities to respond to global environmental problems.
Environmental management is extremely information-intensive and knowledge-
intensive.
Few countries in the world have yet created a baseline ecosystem information base at a
national
level: biodiversity resources have not yet been mapped, pollution monitoring stations
are not
yet in place, etc. Pooling of resources can reduce the cost of creating an information
management system, as well as collecting, storing, updating and disseminating
information.
Moreover, cooperation to standardize and intercalibrate information would increase the
net
benefits of information systems.
In some cases, there may be scale and/or agglomeration economies in creating joint
management capacities across regional boundaries. For example, the costs of training
environmental professionals may be reduced by creating a regional environment
management
training center or programs rather than many national centers. Regional cooperation can
also
accelerate learning by providing opportunities for people to communicate. Exchanges
among
scientists, businesspeople, environment organizations, educators, and policymakers could
be
especially fruitful.
III. Environmental Issues in Northeast Asia
A. Degradation of Common Pool Resources
Common pool resources require collective action in establishing governance
mechanisms
for sustainable utilization. In Northeast Asia, the primary common pool resources are the
region's seas, air systems, and habitats which support biodiversity, especially for
migratory birds
and fish.
Transborder Air Pollution: Acid Rain
The primary problem of transborder air pollution in Northeast Asia is the "routine"
atmospheric transport and deposition of particulate matter emitted mostly in the course of
energy
production, known as "acid rain."
The main sources of acid rain are high levels of sulphur emissions from coal-burning
power plants and factories in China, North Korea and elsewhere in the region. The north
and
south eastern regions of China have especially high levels of sulphur dioxide emissions
(Figure
1). One study of China's largest coal-fired power plant showed that sulphur dioxide
concentrations frequently exceed the State's permissible releases because the coal that is
burned
contains more than two percent sulphur. However, even low sulphur coals can result in
high
levels of sulphur dioxide emissions when the coal is burned in inefficient plants. Acid
rain may
decrease biomass productivity and thereby reduce its carbon uptake, degrading existing
forests
and causing the recipient country's carbon emissions to increase.
Many scientists believe that the Korean Peninsula and Japan suffer from
transfrontier acid
rain originating from Manchurian China. Some have also noted that Mongolia may
receive acid
rain originating over its northwestern border with Russia. Depending on the time of year,
some
countries may be originators and recipients of acid rain, especially North Korea. In winter
(January), the air flows are generally from the Asian land mass to the ocean, while in
summer
(July), the opposite is the case (Figure 2). According to a study by the Asian
Development
Bank, Northeast China, Japan and the two Koreas are relatively vulnerable to acid rain
degradation due to the combination of high deposition and sensitive soils, vegetation, and
materials.
The scale and impact of transfrontier acid rain deposition remains unclear, in part
due to
the lack of monitoring stations and ecological studies. Initial studies indicate, however,
that the
levels may be on a par with Europe. China itself has noted the possibility that acid rain
may
be transmitted long distances and has seriously affected areas of China. In the area
adjacent
to the Yellow Sea, Chinese industry has been estimated to emit about 700,000 tonnes of
sulphur
dioxide per year, some of which could be transported across the Yellow Sea to Korea by
the
predominantly northwesterly winds. Fortunately, the problem is amenable to
technological
controls at source: a modern power plant with glue-gas desulphurization equipment can
remove
more than 90 percent of the emissions. Countries in the region are also establishing
facilities to
monitor acid rain deposition. Much remains to be done, however, in terms of
establishing
common monitoring methodologies, comprehensive baseline monitoring, and ecosystem
impact
studies.
Marine Degradation
Marine degradation encompasses two broad issues in Northeast Asia: the pollution
of
common seas, notably the Yellow Sea and the Sea of Japan; and the sustainable
harvesting of
fisheries in the north Pacific, including the Sea of Japan, the Sea of Okhotsk, and adjacent
coastal areas.
Joint management of regional seas is hindered by regional jurisdictional disputes
East
Asian seas are also semi-enclosed and thus particularly subject to the effects of chemical
pollutants including hydrocarbons, heavy metals, industrial and agricultural chemicals,
radionuclides, sewage, heat wastes, and many other materials. The resultant ecological
and
economic damage includes commercial losses from fisheries and aquaculture, destruction
of flora
and fauna, tourism, red tides, etc.
Five of the six states in the region have coastlines along the Sea of Japan (only
Mongolia
does not). The most important sources of marine pollution are:
Projected high rates of regional economic growth imply that all of these sources
could
grow exponentially, while the assimilative capacity of the ocean may be stretched to its
limit--or
beyond. In the future, exploitation of seabed minerals may increase the stress on marine
environments. In this section, we will address only two dimensions of chemical
pollution,
namely, the radioactive and oil-related pollution issues in the Sea of Japan.
In early 1993, Russia admitted that the former Soviet Union had dumped civilian
and
military radioactive wastes for decades in the Sea of Japan, in contravention of domestic
and
international laws. The total quantity of radioactive materials involved in this activity was
relatively small compared with other radioactive pollution in the same period. However,
the
Russian activity was significant because it related to legal precedent and the integrity of
the
London Dumping Convention which precludes signatories from engaging in such wanton
dumping. It also highlighted the possibility of additional uncontrolled radioactive
pollution of
the Sea of Japan arising from Russia's military and reactors operating in the Far East.
Russia lacks the funds and facilities required to deal with the radioactive legacy of
the
Cold War. Among the urgent tasks are is the removal of nuclear reactors and fuel from
decommissioned nuclear-powered warships, especially submarines, for safe storage and
disposal. To end Russia rad-waste dumping at sea, interim storage facilities on Russian
territory must be located and constructed. Other states in the region have complementary
capabilities. Japan, for example, has significant experience in decommissioning its former
nuclear powered ships.
Chemical pollutants, such as oil, in the Sea of Japan is a serious and growing
regional
environmental problem. On the basis of one measure of oil pollution--average levels of
dissolved hydrocarbons--the open areas of the Sea of Japan contain about 1.5-1.8 more
oil than
that of the surface waters of the northwestern Pacific ocean. In coastal regions of the Sea
of
Japan, the level of pollution is much higher, often at 2.5 times the level of unpolluted
ocean
waters, and even exceeding maximum permissible concentrations on a permanent
basis.Another
measure of oil pollution--the concentration of tarballs in the ocean water--shows a high
concentration along sealanes, especially south of Honshu. The prevailing winds
concentrate the
tarballs in different parts of the Sea of Japan, depending on the season. Japan reports that
overall, tar ball concentration has dropped since 1985 but increased (since 1990) in areas
of
southern Honshu, Sea of Japan, and western Kyushu.
The rate of marine oil spills appears to be increasing. South Korea, for example,
reports
that the volume of oil spilled along its coastline nearly tripled between 1987 and 1991
(Table 1).
Models of oil pollution dispersal show that oil slicks in the Sea of Japan could move onto
adjacent coastal regions or move out into the open seas, depending on tides and winds.
Cooperation to reduce and control marine pollution could foster a dialogue on the
overarching
issue of managing holistically an oceanic ecosystem between parties who disagree on
territorial
boundaries and who are divided over the best way to manage fisheries stocks on a
sustainable
basis.
Territorial and management disputes hinder collaboration on reducing marine
pollution,
however, because the legal status of semi-enclosed oceans remains ambiguous under
customary
law and the Law of the Sea. As Mark Valencia puts it:
The most successful efforts to deal with marine environmental problems are
carefully
nurtured with simultaneous institution-building, scientific, and treaty-drafting
activities at
the regional level, but this can come about only with strong and sustained littoral
state
support.
A first step would be to obtain scientifically valid data on pollution levels, requiring
a
joint effort to develop a comprehensive regional monitoring program to determine the
ecological
status of the Sea of Japan. Valencia has argued that regional cooperation would be useful
to
intercalibrate measuring methods; to determine indicator species; to study the
biogeochemical
flows of pollutants at the river/ocean, water/sediment, and air/water interfaces; to monitor
dump
sites for dredged materials; and to automate the collection and analysis of data.
In terms of tonnage harvested, the north Pacific is the most important fishing region
in
the world. In 1984, for example, 32 per cent of the world catch came from the north
Pacific, of
which almost 90 percent was caught in the northwest Pacific. Regional states are highly
dependent on this produce. Japan and the two Koreas derive about 90 percent of their
respective
catches from the region, and Russia and China about 30 and 10 percent respectively. An
acute
problem associated with high seas fisheries in the northwest Pacific and East Asian seas
is that
of straddling and highly migratory stocks, that is, species such as tuna and many kinds of
groundfish and pelagic fish which migrate between the high seas and Exclusive
Economic Zones
(EEZs) of states, and between EEZs. Indeed, the majority of the fish now exploited by
countries adjacent to the East Asian Seas are shared stocks.
A regional approach may be appropriate for jointly managing the fisheries of the
enclosed
seas of Japan and Okhotsk and adjacent coastal areas. Fishery agreements are bilateral
and exist
between Russia and Japan, and Russia and North Korea on the one hand; and between
Japan and
South Korea, and Japan and North Korea on the other. (A number of these agreements are
non
governmental). The agreements establish a delicately balanced set of reciprocal fishing
rights
with catch quotas, and specify that scientific and technical consultations should be held.
In some
cases, joint regulatory zones are prescribed as to number and size of trawlers, types of
gear,
dates of operation, and catch.
None of these agreements is region-wide and no regional fora exist in which to
discuss
allocation of catch. Thus, the management regime does not correspond to the inherently
widely
distributed and mobile fisheries resource. Consequently, a number of stocks are severely
depleted. Unilateral actions to exploit or to manage the fishery stocks have even
increased
tensions between states--as occurred most recently between Russia, Japan, Poland and
South
Korea over the pollock stocks in the Sea of Okhotsk. Nor have larger regional or global
agreements proven adequate to the task, as membership of the International North Pacific
Fisheries Commission is limited to Japan, Canada and the United States.
Some experts have proposed a Northwest Pacific approach to the Seas of Japan and
Okhotsk that would avoid finalizing the jurisdictional issues raised by the Law of the
Seas and
other territorial disputes, but would incrementally modify existing arrangements; create
regional
non governmental arrangements; and establish a regional scientific organization.
Although it
would require leadership--possibly by Japan or Russian fishery organizations--such an
approach
would build on existing bilateral agreements to secure information on coastal fisheries,
especially
in relation to collection of statistics, scientific research, depicting shared stocks, and
identifying
overfishing. An informal, consultative regional forum on fisheries issues along with
related
fields of maritime ecology, pollution, law, and security may also be productive.
Biodiversity
Endowed with areas of high species biodiversity, the Northeast Asian region suffers
from
high levels of biodiversity loss. In Japan, over 700 plants are classified as threatened.
Over 80
birds are classified as threatened in China and nearly 80 birds in South Korea. The main
threats
are the introduction of exotic species that out-compete endemic species; habitat
destruction;
hunting; overharvesting; and sometimes, deliberate extermination. Habitat destruction is
particularly significant, arising from conversion to other uses, removal of vegetation or
erosion,
and/or fragmentation, wherein habitat is carved into areas too small to support endemic
species.
In addition, future changes in global climate may further stress regional habitats.
Northeast Asian countries have adopted two approaches to conserving and restoring
biodiversity. First, they have attempted to protect so-called flagship threatened species
such as
the East Asian tiger, the Panda bear, and the Crane. Second, they have created networks
of
protected areas to maintain habitat. The region has an extensive network of nature
reserves of
many different types and status, including biosphere reserves, world heritage sites,
national
parks, prefectural parks, forest reserves and watershed reserves. The total protected area
varies
greatly between countries. Japan has the largest share of protected land, about 12 per cent
of its
total land area. North Korea is on the low end with 0.5 per cent.
Despite current efforts, many critical habitats for endangered plants and animals
remain
unprotected; and in some cases, protected areas are inadequate. Moreover, some critical
habitats
cross national boundaries, yet protected areas either stop at the border or are managed
differently by bordering countries. The habitat of the Siberian Tiger, for example,
extends
across the borders
of the Russian Far East, China and North Korea. Yet there is no crossborder management
capacity, not even for the exchange of information.
One of the most significant transboundary biodiversity issues is the threat to
migratory
species, especially birds. Birds migrate over a variety of routes in and across Northeast
Asia,
respecting no national or political boundaries, not even the tense DMZ between North
and
South Korea. White-naped cranes, for example, have been tracked by satellite flying from
Izumi
in Japan, to stopover points in South Korea, the DMZ, and North Korea, before flying
on to
Russia and China.
Northeast Asian wetlands support over 150 species of waterbird, including ducks,
geese,
and cranes. Twenty seven are listed as threatened in the IUCN Red Data Book; some are
nearly
extinct. Pressures include the loss of wetland habit to urban, agricultural and coastal
development. Nearly 40 percent of Japan's thirty-two thousand km of coastline have
been
modified heavily. The total area of mudflats (beaches, estuaries, and lagoons) fell from
about
82 to 53 thousand km between 1945 and 1989. In Korea, planned reclamation of
estuaries,
shallow bays, and inter-tidal mudflats threaten huge areas of highly productive coastal
habitat.
One study of South Korea anticipates the loss of 65 percent of total coastal wetlands if
development plans are implemented. Massive coastal reclamation and river modification
are also
underway in North Korea, with little consideration for the impact on migratory species.
Preserving migratory birds requires governments to coordinate national policies
which
govern coastal and inland wetlands, as well as to create cross-border management
regimes. The
freshwater Khanka Lake, for example, which spans the China-Russia border about 220
kilometers north of Vladivostok is one of Northeast Asia's most important stopping
points for
migratory birds. The Lake is threatened by draining and conversion to agriculture,
especially
rice, pesticide pollution, overgrazing, fishing, and recreational abuse.
Governments have taken some action to protect migratory birds, including bilateral
treaties. South Korea has proposed to supplement bilateral relationships with a regional,
multilateral treaty. An important issue for a regional convention would be how to
incorporate
bilateral agreements between the states within the region; and how to design protocols for
signature by extra-regional states. Moreover, the relationship would need to be
determined
between the a regional treaty and the proposed East Asian flyway under the Berne
Convention.
The biggest stumbling blocks, however, are likely to be regional disputes over island
territories.
B. Regional Economic Integration and the Environment
Political and economic factors are generating momentum toward regional economic
integration in Northeast Asia. Intra-regional trade apparently increased steadily
throughout the
1980s and early 1990s, although data constraints inhibit precise estimates. According to
one
estimate, the (money) value of intra-regional trade among five Northeast Asian nations
increased
by 225 percent between 1981 and 1989, while the volume of world trade increased by
only 160
percent. Increasing, but not documented, trade between China and South Korea and
China and
Russia in the past three years suggest even more rapid growth.
Rent by ideological and military divides for fifty years, Northeast Asian trade has
been
skewed away from the high level of integration which has emerged in other parts of the
world
where borders are friendly. The Russian Far East, for example, relied on western Soviet
republics for the vast bulk of its import needs until the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Japan and
South Korea developed trade primarily with the United States, while North Korea relied
on
China and Russia. In Western Europe and North America, by contrast, the strongest trade
relationships are with geographical neighbors.
With the end of the Cold War and increasing economic openness, trade and
investment
flows within the region are predicted to boom. The growth will be driven largely by
markets,
that is, by lower transport costs and the ease of contact afforded by proximity, in the
context of
rapid economic growth.There are also factor complementarities, , including low labor
costs in
China, primary resources in the Russian Far East, and high-technology capacities in
Japan.
Gravity and international norm models of international trade patterns predict phenomenal
growth
in intra-regional trade over the next fifteen years. According to one estimate, the value of
trade
flows within the Northeast Asian region will more than double by 2000 and triple by
2010
(Table 2).
Trade-Environment Interface
The relationship between rapid growth, rising intra-regional trade, and the
environment in
Northeast Asia has not yet been charted. Studies elsewhere suggest that economic
integration
tends to pull environmental standards toward the large-market country. In Europe, where
the
large market country is Germany, policy convergence has tended to raise environmental
standards. Market-driven processes, however, have been greatly conditioned and
augmented by
the array of institutions created by the EC and EU. The Maastricht Treaty, for example,
raised
the profile of environmental issues and expanded the realm of environmental cooperation.
Japan is by far the most important market and source of foreign investment in
Northeast
Asia. Japan's trade with South Korea and China accounts for almost 70 percent of total
intra-
regional trade. The share of Japan's exports going to Northeast Asia is predicted to
increase
from 9.2 per cent in 1990 to 12 per cent in 2000, while the import share will increase
from
10.8 per cent to 13.0 per cent. Trade between China and South Korea is also significant
and
growing. By 2000, Chinese exports to South Korea are predicted to be nearly 5 per cent
of its
total exports, while China will take nearly 8 per cent of South Korea's total exports.
Besides Japan, South Korea, Hong Kong and Taiwan are also important investors
and
traders in Northeast Asia. These countries tend to have high domestic sanitary and health
product standards for imports. However, the region's most important regional
environmental
problems stem not from the use of products but from the processes of their production or
harvesting. Countries do not unilaterally regulate foreign production processes of
imported
products. Indeed, they are barred by GATT from doing so.
Moreover, the center of economic gravity in Northeast Asia is increasingly China.
Already the largest economy in the region, China is growing at the rate of about 12 per
cent per
year. Under both high and low growth scenarios, China's GNP is expected to triple that of
second-place Japan by 2010. As a large-market country, increasing integration with
China
would likely pull environment standards down (or inhibit their rising) rather than up.
Environmentally unconstrained trade expansion in the region would bring both
environmental benefits and costs. Under any scenario, trade openness in North Korea, for
example, would likely improve energy efficiency and reduce pollution from what appear
to be
the world's dirtiest and oldest coal-fired plants. North Korea's juche policy has inhibited
the
transfer of more modern, cleaner and more efficient technology for nearly fifty years.
On the other hand, there is no regional investment code which would necessarily
promote
environmentally beneficial technology transfer through foreign direct investment.
Anecdotal
evidence from China suggests that, to reduce costs, local partners or purchasers ask
foreign
investors and exporters to strip away safety and environment protection components of
their
investments. In the Russian Far East, enforcement of environmental regulations is nearly
non-
existent, either for domestic or foreign investors. Moreover, without common
frameworks to
govern the sustainable use of the resources and ecosystem services within national
boundaries,
competitive market forces are likely to accelerate ecological degradation through
increased intra-
regional demand. Wetlands, coastlines, agricultural lands, and forests are prime
candidates for
trade-driven degradation.
Common frameworks would ensure a common floor for environmental management.
The
floor would be in place for the expansion of trade and investment not only within but
outside the
region. The key question is how to establish a common floor given that Northeast Asian
countries differ greatly in terms of types and demands on ecosystems, levels of economic
development, and political systems. The problematique, in short, is how to allow for
diversity
within commonality. Three approaches might be fruitful.
First, rather than adopt uniform standards, Northeast Asian nations could adopt
common
methodologies and decision rules for setting environment standards through instruments
such as
impact and risk assessment and Environmental Guidelines for Development Planning.
Second,
they could develop regional Environment Management Agreements at a sectoral level,
especially
for heavily-traded primary products. By conditioning trade on sound environmental
management, such agreements would utilize trade openness as a mechanism to promote
rising
environmental commitments. Third, nations could establish common Environmental
Guidelines
for Development Planning. Such Guidelines could be developed in the course of common
development projects, such as the Tumen River Economic Development Area (see
below).
Sustainable Forest Development in the Russian Far East
Located primarily in the Russian Far East, the forests of Northeast Asia are an
important
ecological and economic resource for the region (and indeed, the world). Through
increasing
regional economic integration, Russian forests are likely to supply an every larger portion
of a
rapidly rising intra-regional demand for wood.
Demand for wood products is positively related to increases in income. Demand for
wood
and wood products has grown rapidly with high rates of GNP growth in the region and is
projected to increase substantially in this decade. Between 1991 and 2000, total wood
demand is
expected to increase to about 217 million m3 (roundwood equivalent), an increase of
nearly 20
percent. Increasing consumption of industrial wood in China alone accounts for more
than two
thirds of the projected growth in regional wood demand.
The challenge is to meet increasing wood demand in ways that are both ecologically
and
economically sound. There are three broad ways to meet the increased demand: 1)
expanding
domestic production; 2) expanding intra-regional trade; 3) increasing imports from
outside the
region. The primary source of extra-regional wood imports has been the West Coast of
North
America. Environmental concerns, however, are likely to restrict supplies from North
America
in the future, suggesting that other supply sources, including domestic and intra-regional,
will
become more important.
The Russian Federation is the only net exporter of roundwood and wood products in
the
region. About 80 percent of wood exports from the Russian Far East go to East Asia. The
forests of the Russian Far East cover about 70 million hectares. With an estimated
growing stock
of nearly 9 billion m3, they are an immense potential wood resource. Much of the forest
is old
growth boreal or temperate, single species conifers. The forests provide important
ecological
services, including habitat for a wide range of endemic and migratory species, watershed
protection, and a global store of organic carbon. Much of the forest area is wild and
inaccessible, offering a vast potential for tourism, as well as support for indigenous
cultures.
Russian and international environmental groups have raised concerns that the Far
Eastern
forests are under threat from foreign logging companies. Although concessions specify
selective
felling methods and require reforestation, scientists and environmental groups have
documented
clearcutting operations which destroyed extensive tracts of forsts and entire watersheds.
In one internationally-known case, pressure from Territory governments and
environmental
groups suspended logging operations of the Hyundai Corporation near the Bikin River
Watershed.
Is logging compatible with wildlife conservation and environmental protection? If
so, on
what scale and under what management regime? The estimated annual growth in the
entire
region is about 180 million m3 of wood, while the logging rate is only one million m3 per
year.
However, in many old growth forests, there is zero net annual growth, because annual
increment
is equal to mortality. Climatic and soil conditions in the Russian Far East make forests
especially vulnerable to degradation. Cold temperatures and low levels of sunlight make
tree
growth rates very low. High levels of humidity prevent degraded forests from turning into
deserts but can turn them into swamplands. The combination of forest fires and clearcut
logging
techniques dramatically decrease turnover of organic material on the forest floor.
There is potential to cut far more wood than is being removed today without
squandering
the forest resource -- provided that forests are under sustainable, multiple-use
management plans.
Russian national and local governments have primary responsibility to develop and
enforce such
plans. However, concerted trade and investment policies of regional trading partners
could play
an important role in fostering environmentally sustainable and economically optimal
forest
management. Such policies could be crystallized in a Sustainable Forest Management
Agreement.
A recent report to the International Tropical Timber Organization (ITTO) stressed
the
importance of trade-related incentives for sustainable forest management. Although
focussed on
tropical timbers, recommendations pertain equally to temperate and boreal forest
products. The
report found that negative incentives, that is, trade restrictions, do not improve and even
undermine sustainable forest management. Positive incentives, on the other hand, can
complement and reinforce sound domestic management. The report recommended:
a country certification scheme, which would certify that producer countries were
implementing specified policies, regulations and management plans;
better market access for timber exports from producer countries which meet the
requirements of the certification scheme;
additional financial assistance required for implementing national sustainable
management
plans and policies;
species protection for specific tree species in danger of over-exploitation through offtake
export quotas.
Such recommendations are feasible in the context of the producer-consumer country
framework of the ITTO. No such global framework exists for temperate or boreal forest
products and there is no regional forest framework in Northeast Asia. Nonetheless, they
provide
a useful starting point for further research and regional discussion. Rather than countries,
for
example, a Northeast Asian scheme might certify individual producers/companies. Rather
than
providing better access for timber products, a regional approach might develop a broader
strategy of Environment Trade Preferences which reward progress toward sustainable
forest
management with better market access for manufactured or other goods. Countries could
also
develop guidelines for their own companies undertaking logging operations in the
Russian Far
East.
Tumen River Area Development Plan
The primary arena for environmental cooperation in the context of economic
development
in Northeast Asia is the Tumen River Economic Development Area (TREDA). The lower
reaches of the Tumen River have been designated as the site of a possible major
development
plan encompassing China, the DPRK, the Russian Federation, Mongolia and the ROK.
As
currently envisioned, TREDA consists of that terrain located within conceptual boundary
lines
drawn from Chongjin in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, through Yanji in the
People's Republic of China, to Nakhodka in the Russian Federation. Still in a formative
stage,
the vision for the Project is reflected in a recent "master plan" report to the UNDP:
The five participating countries are currently negotiating a Memorandum of
Understanding on Environmental Principles (MOU). If signed, the MOU would
represent the
first regional environmental agreement in Northeast Asia.. To date, Mongolia, Russia and
North Korea have signed. The MOU commits the project to the goals of
"environmentally
sound and sustainable development." Reports suggest, however, that hinterland, deltaic
and
adjacent coastal areas are ecologically fragile, and note the paucity of environmental and
resource data for the area. Baseline ecological data is crucial to an environmentally
sustainable
development plan.
A draft Preliminary Environmental Study completed in May, 1994 constitutes the
first
stage of environmental assessment. The UNDP-commissioned study concludes that the
TREDA
spans a region of "globally significant biodiversity values" and "includes a wide range of
ecosystems, many of which are themselves regionally or globally significant." It also
suggests
that the wetlands and marine environment of Posiet Bay in the center of the coastal area
of the
zone are highly vulnerable to pollution. Although existing levels of population and
industry are
apparently not degrading this ecosystem, their expansion, the report concludes, "may not
be
compatible with maintenance of the ecological, tourism and mariculture values."
The draft Environmental Study concludes that an environmental assessment of the
Tumen
River Project is not "possible or appropriate at this stage in the project because of the
nature of
the project, the preliminary level of project definition and the lack of coherent and
reliable
background information" (our emphasis). The Study makes two recommendations. First,
that
regional strategic environmental planning be undertaken "to identify appropriate and
inappropriate activities in specific environments." Second, that institutional and human
resource
capacities be strengthened to "meet the challenges that will be generated by TRADP."
These
include environmental quality control, enhancement of environmental assessment
capabilities and
procedures, and ecosystem and species management.
A Northeast Asian Consultative Commission for the Development of the Tumen
River
Economic Development Area has been proposed. The Commission would aim to promote
cooperative projects in environmental management, as well as trade, infrastructure and
other
areas. Adequate management of the Tumen River, however, requires management of the
entire
watershed which reaches into Mongolia. Moreover, the Tumen is already highly polluted,
suggesting that restoration will be a crucial preliminary to development.
IV. Environmental Cooperation in Northeast Asia
The longterm objective of regional cooperation is to develop coherent, coordinated,
regional frameworks to govern management of transboundary common pool resources
and the
trade-environment interface, as well as to capture joint welfare benefits in capacity-
building.
Frameworks encompass agreed-upon rules and penalties for breaking the rules, as well as
economic incentives, voluntary guidelines, standard operating procedures, and even
custom. This
ensemble of formal and informal constraints and incentives may be called an
environmental
management regime.
Several environmental management regimes are emerging in Northeast Asia. All six
Northeast Asian countries are participating in the Northwest Pacific Action Plan
(NOWPAP)
which currently targets the Sea of Japan/East Sea of Korea, and the Yellow Sea.
Developed
under the auspices of UNEP's Regional Seas Programme, NOWPAP states have
committed
themselves to develop a regional convention to protect and manage the coastal and
marine
environment and resources of the Northwest Pacific region.
Northeast Asian countries are also participating in the Intergovernmental
Oceanographic Commission's Sub-Commission for the West Pacific (WESTPAC).
Established in 1989, the program is designed to increase local managerial and technical
capacities for research into ocean climate, food resources variability, and geological
processes. Since the geographical scope of WESTPAC is vast (stretching from
Kamchatka to
Wake Island, along the Tuamotu Archipelago and back to Antarctica south of New
Zealand),
a sub-regional approach was adopted. All the Northeast Asia states except Mongolia are
members of a Northwestern sub-region of WESTPAC.
In addition to regional initiatives, Northeast Asian states have concluded a host of
bilateral treaties and agreements to promote environmental cooperation, including
between
Japan and the Russian Federation, China and the Russian Federation, China and the
ROK,
and the ROK and Japan. There are also regional NGO initiatives to promote
environmental
cooperation, most notably the Northeast Asia and Pacific Environmental Forum.
One of the most effective ways to promote regional environmental management in
Northeast Asia would be to establish an institutional vehicle to spearhead and/or
coordinate
regional environmental initiatives. The Northeast Asia Environment Programme, which
brings together high-level officials primarily for foreign ministries, is an incipient
regional
institutional vehicle. Under the auspices of ESCAP and supported by the UNDP, the
Programme has operated to date as a series of meetings of Senior Officials. Another
emerging institutional vehicle is the Northeast Asian Conference on Environmental
Cooperation. This Conference has brought together environment ministry officials, as
well as
academics and environmental NGOs, in a series of regional meetings.
To be robust, an institutional framework should develop from two directions: from
the "bottom up" by undertaking cooperative activities incrementally in a range of areas;
and
from the "top down" by creating a regional coordination structure to select priorities,
provide
vision and act as a catalyst for project implementation. A coordination structure could
consist
of an ongoing Steering Committee composed of senior Foreign and Environment
Ministry
officials. The Steering Committee would oversee and coordinate ongoing projects and
propose new projects. Rather than a centralized institutional structure, the functions of a
secretariat would be undertaken at national or local levels by participating countries. A
barometer of success would be the density of cooperative activity, both by government
and
non-government actors.
Three Proposals
Regional efforts at environmental cooperation have been most successful when
taken
in an incremental, step-by-step approach. In the same spirit, we offer three proposals: 1)
Regional Environment and Development Bank; 2) Regional Energy Network; and 3)
Northeast Asian Trade and Environment Policy Task Force.
A Regional Bank would aim to mobilize both private and donor sources in providing
loans and grants for investment in environmental infrastructure and environmentally-
sound
development projects. The Bank could offer loans at market rates of interest, as well as
on
concessional terms. Clients could include private firms, provincial and other local
authorities,
national governments, and regional groupings such as the TREDA. Private firms, for
example, could borrow monies to upgrade or add technology or equipment which
enhanced
environmental management. The fundamental principle of the Bank would be to integrate
environmental principles into development projects.
A Regional Energy Network would provide opportunities for researchers and
activists
to explore ways in which regional cooperation would enhance the efficiency of energy
use
and provide for cleaner sources of increased energy supply. The Network would function
both to generate and disseminate original research, as well as to create opportunities for
information exchange. Participants in the Network could interact electronically as well as
hold workshops and seminars.
A Northeast Asian Trade and Environment Policy Task Force would begin to
explore
the emerging and potential environmental issue involved in the region's increasing
economic
integration. Composed of researchers in universities and thintanks, the Task Force would
consider ways in which increased economic cooperation could yield environmental
benefits
and the policy frameworks required.
Notes
1. A. La Vina,, M. Leonen and J. Santiago, "Free Trade in the ASEAN and Its
Implications on the Environment: A Comparative Critique of Environmental Impact
Assessment Systems," Manila: Institute of International Legal Studies, 1994.
2. UNCED, Agenda 21, Paragraph 38:29, June 14, 1992
3. T. Teitenberg, Environmental and Natural Resource Economics, New York: Harper
Collins, 1992, p. 54.
4. E. Ostrom, Governing the Commons, The Evolution of Institutions for Collective
Action,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990, p. 5.
5. Ostrom, op cit
6. See L. Zarsky and J. Drake-Brockman, "Trade, Environment and APEC:
Imperatives
and Opportunities for Regional Cooperation," Center for Asian Pacific Affairs, Asia
Foundation, San Francisco, December, 1994; and L. Zarsky, Trade-Environment
Linkages
and Sustainable Development, Report to Department of Environment, Government of
Australia, Nautilus Institute, October, 1991
7 J.H. Primavera, "Shrimp Farming in the Asia-Pacific Region: Environment and Trade
Issues and Regional Cooperation," and Mangrove Action Project, "The Environmental
and
Social Costs of Developing Coastal Shrimp Aquaculture in Asia," papers to Workshop on
Trade and Environment in Asia-Pacific: Prospects for Regional Cooperation, Nautilus
Institute, September, 1994.
8 .J. Boyce, "Wiping Out 7000 Years of Biodiversity," Nautilus Bulletin, December,
1993,
p. 8.
9. G.M. Grossman and A.B. Krueger, "Environmental Impacts of a North American
Free
Trade Agreement," Discussion Paper #158, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and
International Affairs, Princton University, 1991.
10. See L. Zarsky, "Lessons of Liberalization in Asia: From Structural Adjustment to
Sustainable Development," in Regional Financing for the Environment, Manila: Asian
Development Bank, 1995.
11. See Associated Press, "Gates Warns of Contamination in Former Soviet Union,
Washington Post, August 17, 1992, p. A7; W. Potter, "The Future of Nuclear Power in
the
Russian Far East," paper to the Conference on U.S.-Japanese Cooperation in the
Development of Siberia and the Russian Far East, Monterey, California, July 22, 1993.
12. D. Fang, F-G. Xu , and D-X. Qui, "Shentou Thermal Power Station: China," in P.
Hills and K.V. Ramani, eds, Energy Systems and the Environment, Asia and Pacific
Development Centre, Kuala Lumpur, 1990, p. 146.
13. N. Bhatti and D. Street, "Acid Rain in Asia," Enivronmental Management, 16, 4,
1992. For a description of this study, see J. Cofala, "Modeling Acid Rain in Southeast
Asia," Options, Winter 1993, pp. 10-11; the actual scope of this study is the whole of
Asia,
including Northeast Asia, not just what is commonly known as Southeast Asia.
14. N. Bhatti, D. Streets, op cit, pp. 541-562; H. Akimoto, H. Narita, "Distribution of
SO2, NOx and CO2 Emissions from Fuel Combustion and Industrial Activities in Asia
with a
1o x 1o Resolution," Atmospheric Environment, 28, 2, 1992, pp. 213-225; and R.T.
Crow,
"Air Pollution and Capacity Building in Northeast Asia: Suggestions for Cooperative
Action," discussion document for the North East Asia Regional Environmental Program,
February 25, 1994
15. People's Republic of China, National Report of the People's Republic of China on
Environment and Development, report to the UN Conference on Environment and
Development, (translation) August 1991, p. 30; see also Z. Feng and N. Ogura, eds,
Proceedings of China-Japan Joint Symposium on the Impacts and Control Strategies of
Acid
Deposition on Terrestrial Ecosystems, Research Center for Eco-Environmental Sciences,
Chinese Academy of Sciences; and Ministry of Education, Science and Culture of Japan;
Beijing, November, 1994.
16. M. Valencia, L.Chen, Z.Chen, "Yellow Sea Marine and Air Pollution: Status,
Projections, Transnational Dimensions and Possibilities of Cooperation," (mimeo), East
West
Center, Honolulu, February 5, 1991, p. 5
17. On the jurisdictional disputes, see J. Prescott, Maritime Jurisdiction in East Asian
Seas, Occasional Paper 4, Environment and Policy Institute, East West Center, Honolulu,
1987
18. See Administration of the President of the Russian Federation, Facts and
Problems
Related to the Dumping of Radioactive Waste in the Seas Surrounding the Territory of
the
Russian Federation, October 24, 1992; translated by Greenpeace Russia, April 22, 1993.
19. See W. Broad, "Disasters with Nuclear Subs In Moscow's Fleet Reported," New
York Times, February 26, 1993; J. Handler, "Russian Navy Nuclear Submarine Safety,
Construction, Defense Conversion, Decommissioning, and Nuclear Waste Disposal
Problems," Greenpeace Nuclear Free Seas report, Washington DC, February 15, 1993.
20. "National Report from Russia Proposing UNEP Action Plan on the Natural
Resources and Environment Management in the North-West Pacific," Second Meeting of
Experts and National Focal Points on the development of the North-West Pacific Action
Plan, United Nations Environment Programme, Beijing, October 26-30, 1992, p. 4.
21. "National Report (Japan)," Second Meeting of Experts and National Focal Points
on
the Development of the North-West Pacific Action Plan, United Nations Environment
Programme, Beijing, October 26-30, 1992, p. 3.
22. M. Valencia (Editor/Author), "International Conference on the Sea of Japan,"
Occasional Papers of the East-West Environment and Policy Institute, Paper No. 10,
East-
West Center, Honolulu, 1989, p. 169.
23. M. Valencia, ed. "International Conference
on
the Seas of Japan and Okhotsk, Nahodka, USSR, September 1989: Transnational
Resource
Management Issues and Possible Cooperative Responses; Summary of Soviet Papers,"
(mimeo), East West Center, April 1991, pp. 27-28.
24. A. Szekely and B. Kwiatkowska, "Marine Living Resources," in P. Sand, The
Effectiveness of International Environmental Agreements: A Survey of Existing Legal
Agreements, Grotius Publications, Ltd., Cambridge, United Kingdom, 1992, p. 270.
25. T.Yamamoto and H. Imanishi, "Use of Shared Stocks in the Northwest Pacific
Ocean with Particular Reference to Japan and the USSR," in J. Marsh, Resources and
Environment in Asia's Marine Sector, Taylor and Francis, London, 1992, p. 39.
26. D. Johnston and M. Valencia, "The Russian Far East and the North Pacific Region,
Prospects for Cooperation in Fisheries," paper for Workshop on Russian Far in the North
Pacific Region: Opportunities for and Obstacles to Multilateral Cooperation, East West
Center, Honolulu, August 19, 1993, pp. 3-5.
27. D. Pitt, "Fishing Countries Split on Harvests, Differences Over the Pollock Catch
in
Russian Waters Flare at U.N. Parley," New York Times, August 3, 1993.
28. P.Johnston and M.Valencia, op cit, pp. 29, 42.
29 L. Zarsky, P. Hayes, and K. Openshaw, Regional Environmental Cooperation in
Northeast Asia, Report to Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific, UN Development
Program, New York, August, 1994, Table 4.1.
30. L. Zarsky, P. Hayes, and K. Openshaw, Regional Environmental Cooperation in
Northeast Asia, Report to Regional Bureau for Asia and the Pacific, UN Development
Program, New York, August, 1994, Table 4.1.
31. Unauthored, "Principles of Biological Diversity of the Khanka Lake Basin
Ecosystem,"
(mimeo) Vlaidvostok, Pacific Institute of Geography, Russian Academy of Sciences,
undated.
32. T. Akaha, "International Cooperation for the Sustainable Resource Development of
the
Russian Far East," paper to the Workshop on Trade and Environment in Asia-Pacific:
Prospects for Regional Cooperation, Nautilus Institute, September, 1994.
33. K-Y. Jeong, S. Kurbayashi, and H. Takahasi, "International Trade in NEA: Past,
Present and Future," Working Paper Number 1, Project on Economic Cooperation in
Northeast Asia, Sasakawa Peace Foundation, February, 1995.
34. D. Vogel, The Greening of Trade Policy:National Regulation in a Global Economy,
Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995.
35. B. Verhoeve, G. Bennett, D. Wilkinson, Maastricht and the Environment, Arnhem,
Netherlands: Instittue for European Environmental Policy, 1992.
36. Derived from K-Y. Jeong, op cit, Table 2, p. 32.
37. K-Y. Jeong, op cit, Table 1, p. 31.
38. L.Zarsky, P. Hayes, and K. Openshaw, op cit, Table 5.2.
39. V. Krever, E. Dinerstein, D. Olson, and L. Williams,eds, Conserving Russia's
Biological Diversity, An Analytical Framework and Initial Investment Portfolio,
Washington:
World Wildlife Fund, January, 1994, p. 120.
40. London Environmental Economics Centre, The Economic Linkages Between the
International Trade in Tropical Timber and the Sustainable Management of Tropical
Forests,
Main Report to the International Tropical Timber Organization, March 19, 1993.
41. Stewart, J.B. and B.H. Sewell, "Background Paper on Regional Environmental
Cooperation," Prepared for Second Meeting of Senior Officials on Environmental
Cooperation in Northeast Asia, Beijing, September 23-25, 1994.
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